Overview of india real estate

Overview of india real estate India Real Estate is the second largest industry next only to agriculture in terms of the contribution it makes to the gross domestic product (GDP) and the employment generation. Moreover, its share of contribution to the countrys GDP is expected to increase only in the years to come. The GDP contribution of this sector at current prices is approx. 6.5% or Rs.1, 37,000 crores i.e., over 30 billion US dollars. Similarly the commercial property market has compounded annual growth rate of over 30% during the last 5 years across major cities in India along with a phenomenal increase in demand for office space. To be more precise, the next five years will see a rise of six percent from its present share of five percent contributed towards the GDP.   The size in terms of total economic value of real estate development activity of the Indian real estate market is currently US$40-45bn (5-6% of GDP) of which residential forms the major chunk with 90-95% of the market, commercial segment is distant second with 4-5% of the market and organized retail with 1% of the market. Over next five years, Indian real estate market is expected to grow at a CAGR of 20%, driven by 18-19% growth in residential real estate, 55-60% in retail real estate, and 20-22% in commercial real estate. According to a report, India is one among the four countries (the other three being Brazil, Russia and China) that are likely to achieve a much faster growth rate in the domain of property development and housing construction activities as compared to the UK and US real estate markets. The BRIC report, as it is called, has also projected a higher real estate investment over a period of the next five years. The forecast for the year 2010 has put a significant portion of the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) towards investment in the Indian real estate market.   With around 1.1 billion people, India is the second most populous country after China and it is expected to overtake it by 2030. Its economic transformation over the past decade has pushed up real GDP growth to an average of 6 per cent per annum since1992. India is emerging as an important business location, particularly in the services sector. Its favourable demographics and strong economic growth make the country an attractive place for property investors, given that demand for property is determined chiefly by business development and demographic trends. Historically, the real estate sector in India was unorganised and characterized by various factors that impeded organised dealing, such as the absence of a centralized title registry providing title guarantee, lack of uniformity in local laws and their application, no availability of bank financing, high interest rates and transfer taxes, and the lack of transparency in transaction values. In recent years however, the real estate sector in India has exhibited a trend towards greater organisation and transparency, accompanied by various regulatory reforms. These reforms include: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Government of India support to the repeal of the Urban Land Ceiling Act, with nine state governments having already repealed the Act; à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Modifications in the Rent Control Act to provide greater protection to homeowners wishing to rent out their properties; à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Rationalization of property taxes in a number of states; and à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ The proposed computerization of land records The trend towards greater organisation and transparency has contributed to the development of reliable indicators of value and the organised investment in the real estate sector by domestic and international financial institutions, and has also resulted in the greater availability of financing for real estate developers. Regulatory changes permitting foreign investment are expected to further increase investment in the Indian real estate sector. The nature of demand is also changing, with heightened consumer expectations that are influenced by higher disposable incomes, increased globalization and the introduction of new real estate products and services. Demand Drivers These trends have benefited from the substantial recent growth in the Indian economy, which has stimulated demand for land and developed real estate across the real estate industry. Demand for residential, commercial and retail real estate is rising throughout India, accompanied by increased demand for hotel accommodation and improved infrastructure. Additionally, the tax and other benefits applicable to Seas are expected to result in a new source of real estate demand. The real estate industry is one of the fastest growing industries in our economy, with a Compound Annual Growth Rate of approximately 30%.(Ernst and Young) A US$ 16 billion industry at present, it is expected to touch US$ 60 billion in the next five years. (Ernst and Young) The sustainability of growth in the real estate industry has its roots in strong demand fundamentals: a. Rapid expansion of the IT/ ITES and business outsourcing industry (including knowledge process outsourcing and clinical testing outsourcing); b. Rising demand in the residential sector, encouraged by rapidly increasing income levels; c. Acceptance of shopping malls as one stop destinations for consumers; and d. Growing popularity of Special Economic Zones as preferred destinations for both manufacturing and service industries. Source: CMIE Industry Reports There is an estimated requirement of 80 million housing units over the next Fifteen years and 200 million sq. ft. of office space over the next five years. With a view to catalyzing the investment required to plug the aforementioned Supply deficits, the Government, has allowed FDI up to 100% under the automatic route in specified real estate development projects, including but not restricted to townships, built-up infrastructure and construction development projects. The investment is permitted subject to compliance with the following guidelines specified in Press Note 2 (2005): Minimum area to be developed under each project would be as under: i. In case of development of serviced housing plots, a minimum land area of 10 hectares. ii. In case of construction-development projects, a minimum built-up area of 50 ,000 sq.mts. iii. In case of a combination project, anyone of the above two conditions would suffice. The investment would further be subject to the following conditions: i. Minimum capitalization of US$ 10 million for wholly owned subsidiaries and US$ 5 million for joint ventures with Indian partners. The funds would have to be brought in within six months of commencement of business of the Company. ii. Original investment cannot be repatriated before a period of three years from completion of minimum capitalization. However, the investor may be permitted to exit earlier with prior approval of the Government through the FIPS. c. At least 50% of the project must be developed within a period of five years from the date of obtaining all statutory clearances. The investor would not be permitted to sell undeveloped plots. Source: Department of Industrial Policy Promotion Press Note 2 (2005) In December 2007, SEBI, the domestic stock market regulator, issued draft regulations clearing the way for introduction of Real Estate Investment Trusts (REITs) in India. This move is also expected to favourably serve the booming property market, by serving as an alternative source for meeting the capital needs of the sector, particularly for builders who otherwise work with internal accruals and high-cost borrowings. Dewan P.N. Chopra Consultants Private Limited Initial Public Offerings have become another popular theme as a means of raising requisite capital in the real estate industry. This has resulted in the creation of a robust marketplace where retail investors can participate in the growth story while also offering ability for promoters and investors to project forward into yet another exit strategy. As a result of the aforementioned stimuli, this industry has been receiving increasing focus from the private equity sector, with PE investments in this industry as a percentage of total PE investments soaring from 14% in 2005-06 to over 32% in 2006-07. (KPMG) It is estimated that more than US$ 5 billion in foreign funds was invested in projects sponsored by rapidly growing developers in 2007. The significant development potential of the real estate industry, coupled with favourable FDI regulations and increasing focus from the private equity sector, has created substantial investment opportunities for real estate companies. As at December 2007, total outstanding investment in 1,885 real estate development projects was US$ 195 billion. (CMIE Industry Reports) As this rapidly growing industry matures into a stable and sustainable economic sector, three key trends, which are likely to shape its future, are emerging: a. Increased focus on execution risks; b. Increased investments in mixed-use development projects with a view to extracting maximum synergic benefits; and c. Syndication among real estate developers on execution of big-ticket development projects, i.e. shift from competition to partnership. Advantage India Why Invest In Indian Real Estate? Flying high on the wings of booming real estate, property in India has become a dream for every potential investor looking forward to dig profits. All are eyeing Indian property market for a wide variety of reasons: Its ever growing economy which is on a continuous rise with 8.1 percent increase witnessed in the last financial year. The boom in economy increases purchasing power of its people and creates demand for real estate sector. India is going to produce an estimated 2 million new graduates from various Indian universities during this year, creating demand for 100 million square feet of office and industrial space. Presence of a large number of Fortune 500 and other reputed companies will attract more companies to initiate their operational bases in India thus creating more demand for corporate space. Real estate investments in India  yield huge dividends. 70 percent of foreign investors in India are making profits and another 12 percent are breaking even. Apart from IT, ITES and Business Process Outsourcing (BPO) India has shown its expertise in sectors like auto-components, chemicals, apparels, pharmaceuticals and jewellery where it can match the best in the world. These positive attributes of India is definitely going to attract more foreign investors in the near future. The relaxed FDI rules implemented by India last year has invited more foreign investors and real estate in India is seemingly the most lucrative ground at present. The revised investor friendly policies allowed foreigners to own property, and dropped the minimum size for housing estates built with foreign capital to 25 acres (10 hectares) from 100 acres (40 hectares). With this sudden change in investment policies, the overseas firms can now put up commercial buildings as long as the projects surpass 50,000 square meters (538,200 square feet) of floor space. Indian real estate sector is on boom and this is the right time to invest in property in India to reap the highest rewards. The strong fundamentals of the Indian economy are having a favourable impact on all asset classes of Indian real estate viz. housing, commercial office space and retail and hospitality. In recent years, the growth has spread out to tier-II and III cities as well. High growth in services as well as manufacturing sector has resulted in high demand for commercial and industrial real estate. Further the economic growth has trickled down to the large Indian middle class increasing affordability and affluence. Improving living standards are driving the demand for better quality housing and urban infrastructure. In fact, housing in India is today moving from being viewed as a purely basic need to an aspiration purchase. Though high interest rates coupled with soaring property prices have temporarily impacted affordability of home buyers the demand-supply mismatch and low home loans to GDP ratio in India (a meagre 5 per cent as against more than 50 per cent in US, UK and Germany) are expect ed to fuel demand for housing in the medium long run. The growth of the sector has been complemented by favourable policy changes like liberalisation of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) guidelines and significant increase in investment on physical infrastructure. The recent times have also witnessed an evolution of the sector towards greater institutionalisation and corporatisation. With the entry of global players, inflow of foreign capital, evolution of capital markets, geographical diversification and introduction of reforms, the sector has undergone some significant structural changes. Even critical concern areas like transparency in the sector is also improving significantly. The trend is expected to continue in the coming years. Advantage India key points The Indian real estate industry is expected to reach a size of US$ 180 billion by 2020. High growth in the services sector -telecom, financial services, IT ITeS, etc. Growing penetration of mortgage finance into the urban housing finance market. There is a growing demand for affordable housing and high rate of urbanisation. The real estate sector in India is on a rapid growth trajectory. Over a short span of time, the industry has evolved from a highly fragmented and unorganised market into a semi-organised market, with a large number of listed companies. The Indian Government and private developers, realising the growing demand for affordable housing, are strongly focussing on affordable housing. The Government of India has well-drafted regulations for the Indian real estate sector. Market Overview-

Marxist and Neoclassical Economics

Marx's economic theories mainly deal with the comparison and contrast between Marxism and Capitalism. Karl Marx had many theories that dealt with many different aspects of society. This concept deals with the exploitation of workers and the components involved in production. The first part of Marx's value of labour theory deals with commodities. Commodities are defined as an object outside of us, a thing that by its properties satisfies human wants of some sort or another (Miliband, 1977, 243). These commodities have different values and according to Marx every commodity has two values: exchange value and use value. The use value of a commodity refers to the fact that is has some sort of use; it serves some purpose or meets some want. Every commodity must have a use or it has no value and is not a commodity. Exchange value refers to the ratio at which a commodity can be exchanged with another. In certain quantities all commodities can be exchanged for other commodities (Miliband, 1977, 254). Even the most worthless commodity, when taken in big enough quantities, can be exchanged for the most valuable of commodities. For example, a large quantity of corn or apples can be exchanged for a diamond. The next part of Marx's theory deal with the values of the labour. Marx argued that what commodities all have in common is the fact that they are all products of human labour. It is human labour that has created them and it is the amount of human labour that goes into them that determines value. Karl Marx's labour theory of value asserts that the value of an object is solely a result of the labour expended to produce it. According to this theory, the more labour or labour time that goes into an object, the more it is worth. Marx defined value as â€Å"consumed labour time†, and stated that â€Å"all goods, considered economically, are only the product of labour and cost nothing except labour†(Parekh, 1982, 386). One crucial element of classical political economy that was eventually displaced in the neoclassical revolution of the nineteenth century was the idea that labour was a primary or even exclusive determinant of value. Now, readings of Marx that posit him either as the last of the great classicals or as the leading left-wing critic of classical political economy often share the claim that Marx extracted from the classicals the view that labour is the sole source of value. Marx is applauded for his consistent formulation of a labour theory of value and, thus, for his adherence to the view that social relations of production determine the distribution of social labour and the value and exchange-value of commodities. That is, as for many other Marxists, the fact that individuals may desire beings and motivated in their economic behaviours by instinct, affection, emotion, and so forth is relegated to the status of secondary phenomena insofar as the determination of value, the social allocation of labour, and the distribution of income and wealth are involved. For many Marxists, the essential causes of economic activity are labour and production. Thus, the labouring body, rendered in some versions of this story as a truly trans-historical corporeal entity, is given pride of place in establishing the conditions for that which is uniquely human and thereby economic. This ‘productionist’ bias of Marxists has constituted the grounds by which Marxism has discursively ignored or excluded libido, excess, and true expenditure in the economic theory to which it has given rise. (Resnick, 2001, 56-60) Contemporary Marxian critics in the field of economics, then, often prefer to resurrect the nineteenth-century debates over the correct attribution of value to either ‘subjective’ desire or ‘objective’ labour. Their critique of neoclassical theory devolves on the claim that the bourgeois individualism, naturalism, and arcane abstraction consequent upon the use of axiomatic formulations in neoclassicism obscure the true (McCloskey, 2003, 12-14) conditions under which economic activities and institutions arise. Whereas production is viewed as ubiquitous across epochs and geographical boundaries, desire and utility maximization are seen as limited in historical importance to capitalist societies and, even there, they are more a consequence of a hegemonic false consciousness imposed by the self-promotion of the bourgeoisie (for example, to hide the ‘fact’ of exploitation or to explain away the waste and inefficiency of unplanned markets) than the objective conditions of life under capitalism. The modernism of much Marxism consists, at least partly, in its insistence in finding an ontological referent for the essential cause – labour – that emerges in Marxian economics as the source of value. The labouring body and the conditions of work, then, take precedence in everything from determining the nature of subjectivity (the individual who produces him/herself in the course of participating in social labour) and estimating the ‘good life’ (the elimination of alienation in work) to the primacy of certain struggles in the movements to transform and move beyond capitalism. Comparison and Contrast Karl Marx set the wheels of modern Communism and Socialism in motion with his writings in the late nineteenth century. In collaboration with his friend, Fredrich Englels, he produced the Communist Manifesto, written in 1848. Many failed countries' political and economic structures have been based on Marx's theories. That is why he is known as on of the most influential people of the history of the world. Marxism in its various forms has affected the world greatly throughout time. Both World Wars have involved communist countries to a great extent. Communism has gone wrong in many countries, with the state turning into an authoritarian one, with a few people at the top abusing their power for their own personal gain, at the expense of the other members of the public. (England, 1993, 37-53) Rather than codifying the classicals’ labouring body as a first principle, Marx can be said to have disrupted the order of the body established in classical political economy and in much Marxism. For us, Marx is not the inventor of a new anthropology (his work, we believe along with Althusser, represents a sharp rupture from the humanist anthropology that preceded – and, in the pretensions of the early neoclassicals, followed – him). Briefly stated, we view Marx’s contributions to be more along the lines of presenting the human body as a register of class and other economic and social processes, a place where the effects of capitalism are largely inscribed, rather than the site of the privileged origin (through labour) of subjectivity, agency, or socioeconomic relations. In other words, the body that Marx presents in his writings is over determined and has no centre or essential unity other than that which is the effect of the historical conditions of production, consumption, circulation, distribution, and so forth. In this sense, the body in Marx’s work is closer to some current neoclassical renditions, at least insofar as it is differentiated, dispersed, and brought to temporary unity by specific productions rather than by the presumption of its essentiality. (Cohen, 1978, 110-14) The problem, then, for some of the Marxian critics of neoclassical theory is that the story they prefer revives a view of the body and subjectivity that are fully part of the modernist project to promote an overarching and exhaustive notion of ‘man’. In this regard, the post-modern moments of Marxism are suppressed and the affinity that Marxists may have with other developments within which the humanism of the classicals is finally displaced is largely ignored. (Blaug, 1992, 319-22) To put this otherwise, the retention of the labouring body as prime cause of social and economic relations does little to undermine the humanist essentialism that, purportedly, many Marxists have been at pains to attack over the course of the last century. While recent neoclassicals and Marxists may make absurd bed mates, there is a sense in which Marxists can augment rather than blunt their attacks on bourgeois social order by acknowledging the fragmentation of the human body and the dismemberment of theoretical humanism that may have been accomplished by some neoclassicals. (Ollman, 1995, 201-10) A similar issue confronts post-Keynesian critics of neoclassical economics. Instead of using their trenchant questioning of the notions of certainty (and of probabilistic certainty), rationality, and much else that still abounds within neoclassical theory, together with their own exploration of the significance and effects of uncertainty, as the initial steps in decentring the body, post-Keynesian economists have largely resisted such a move. As we see it, the ‘radical uncertainty’ (de Marchi, 2001, 86-90) originally focused on by Keynes and now embraced by post-Keynesian economists has the potential of disrupting the modernist unity of the body, for example, by severing the necessary connection between, the presumed sequence of, some set of initial anticipations and the actions of economic agents as well as by ‘relativizing’ even the recognition of the degrees and forms of certain and uncertain knowledge on the part of those agents, making uncertainty into a variable and heterogeneous constituent and effect of bodily capabilities and orders. (Amariglio, 1994, 7-35) Conclusion Up to the end of the nineteenth century, the sensible presence of the monetary substance (gold, silver) which guaranteed more or less directly the value of the circulating sign, could lead us to forget that money was also a sign. The gold-standard system implied the circulation of gold by itself or the free convertibility of bank-notes into gold. And this, according to a creed which was almost unanimously shared by all economists and statesmen of the nineteenth century, regardless of their nationality, their religious beliefs, or philosophical opinions: ‘banknotes have value only because they represent gold’. Marx himself denied the possibility or the legitimacy of money which would be a mere sign. For him, the backing by commodity-money (produced by a certain amount of labour) is necessary. Nowadays, the direct representational possibility of monetary signs is suspended not only for circumstantial reasons, but completely suppressed, as we know, for reasons that became structural. Thus, we passed from a monetary regime where gold circulated in presencia to a regime where money was a sign representing gold; and finally to money which is a pure sign, without any reference to a gold-value, a regime of complete non-convertibility. The logical relationship between the non-convertibility of money and the dismissal of the labour theory of value by neoclassical economists and mainstream economics has been stressed. Post-Keynesians, however, tend to emphasize the extradiscursive ‘brute nature’ of uncertainty, reducing it to the limits on knowledge imposed by an unforeseeable future. Their view is that neoclassical economists (and, with them, others such as new Keynesian economists), by emphasizing certain (or, again, probabilistically certain) knowledge, have simply exaggerated the role and possibilities of rational calculation and diminished the ‘animal spirits’, ‘spontaneous optimism’, and other nonrational, corporeal determinants of economic behaviour. In this sense, post-Keynesian economists seek to reinscribe a more ‘balanced’ human body – one which, if not exactly derivative of the classicals, both recognizes the limitations of the body (for example, in terms of the ability to gather and process information) and recovers the kind of profusion of sentiments and emotions, conventions and habits, that were seen to be central to the activities and practices of economic agents prior to the marginalist revolution. It is this body which, for post-Keynesians, serves both to replace the ‘sterility’ of disembodied neoclassical decision-makers and to avoid the ‘nihilism’ occasioned by the post-modern decentring of the body. References Amariglio, J. and Ruccio, D. F. (1994) ‘Postmodernism, Marxism, and the Critique of Modern Economic Thought’, Rethinking Marxism 7 (Fall): 7-35. Blaug, M. (1992) The Methodology of Economics; Or How Economists Explain, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 319-22. Cohen, G.A. Karl Marx's Theory of History. Princeton University Press, Princeton. 1978. 110-14 de Marchi, N. (2001) ‘Introduction’ in N. de Marchi and M. Blaug (eds) Appraising Economic Theories, Aldershot: Elgar. 86-90 England, Paula (1993) ‘The Separative Self: Androcentric Bias in Neoclassical Assumptions’, in Marianne A. Ferber and Julie A. Nelson (eds) Beyond Economic Man: Feminist Theory and Economics, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 37-53. McCloskey, D. N. (2003) ‘The Rhetoric of Economics’, Journal of Economic Literature, 21 (June) 12-14 Miliband, R. Marxism and Politics. Herron Publishing Inc., New York. 1977. 250-59 Ollman, B. Grolier's Encyclopedia, Karl Marx and Marxism. Grolier Electronic Publishing Inc. 1995. 201-10 Parekh, B. Marx's Theory of Ideology. The John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore. 1982. P.386 Resnick, Stephen A., and Wolff, Richard D. (2001) Knowledge and Class: A Marxian Critique of Political Economy, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 56-60

The Grapes of Wrath: A Warning to the System

The Grapes of Wrath, author John Steinbeck create s and shifts tone to show the failure of the economic system and how that failure causes people's anger anger to grow inside them, like grapes, growing ripe for harvest. At the beginning of the chapter, the tone is positive. He describes California in the spring, using positive diction such as â€Å"beautiful† and â€Å"full green hills† (Paragraph 1).H e also describes al of the crops, how the tree limbs â€Å"bend gradually under the fruit† because t here is so much of it. Steinbeck makes nature seem perfect; the hills are â€Å"round and soft as break SST† and the men are â€Å"of understanding and knowledge† (paragraphs 2 and 3). He creates a sense o f hope which is only to be destroyed later on in the chapter. In paragraph 5, the fruit begins t o ripen. This is when money is introduced: â€Å"Hell, we can't pick ‘me for that. † Right away, with the nit reduction of money, the tone s hifts from positive to negative.Words such as â€Å"hell† and cool Ours like â€Å"black† and â€Å"red† are used. The reason for this shift in tone IS because the starving pee people are angry because there is an over abundance of food that is just being wasted. Paragraph pH 12 simply says â€Å"And the smell of rot fills the country. † This describes all of the wasted food, the e word â€Å"rot† insinuates that the economic system stinks. Sanchez 2 The last few paragraphs are a warning to the system. In paragraph 13, Steins eek uses parallelism: â€Å"Burn coffee for fuel in the ships [s] laughter the pigs and bury t me† (paragraph 13).He does this to emphasize how this was deliberately being done just so a profit could be made. He writes about how crime â€Å"goes beyond denunciation† (paragraph 14) . People are so desperate for food that they are willing to do anything to get it. Children die b cause â€Å"a profit cannot be take n from an orange. † All of these horrible things lead up to the la SST paragraph of the chapter; the warning to the system. People are trying to fish for potatoes that have just been dumped in the river, but the guards hold them back.They are trying to grab t he dumped oranges, â€Å"but the kerosene is sprayed. † Eventually, the hungry become furious. Food the at they could be eating is being wasted simply because a profit cannot be made from it. Their anger IS growing inside of them like the â€Å"grapes of wrath,† growing ripe for the harvest. The book title itself is used in this chapter. It is used to describe how people's wrath is growing like grapes, â€Å"growing heavy for the vintage. † This indicates that some wing big is going to happen: the harvest.

Nutrition Science And Its Impact On Human Health And Behavior

Nutrition science is the study of micronutrients (when food is broken down its smallest components) and its impact on human health and behavior. Nutritionists are conducting research so as to identify the probable reason due to which the adopters of western diet are more prone to chronic diseases. Michael Pollan explores different theories in an effort to resolve the issue. The western lifestyle has made it difficult to avoid intake of processed or industrialized food. The eating habits have significantly changed over the course of time. Western diet adopters are observed to be more prone to chronic disease than those who follow traditional diets. The key to healthy life is to create a filter against processed food, may it be meat or vegetables. A complete change in culture and adaptation of three rules will bring a dynamic change. Michael Pollan agrees with the carbohydrate hypothesis, suggesting the scarcity of omega 3 micronutrients in the western diet as a potential cause of diseases including diabetes, high blood pressure and hypertension. The rise in the number of people suffering from former diseases results in frequent visits to doctors and purchase of medication; it may seem ironic, but the fact remains food industry is reaping the benefits of problem at hand. Michael Pollen suggests that ending reliance on processed food and incorporating organic food especially vegetables in diet will be beneficial. The ecological and cultural dimensions of the issue are stillShow MoreRelatedMaster Of Nutrition Science Program1540 Words   |  7 PagesMaster of Nutrition Science Program Program Faculty Kathy Prelack, Ph. D, Chair Professor in Nutrition Science Sai Das Professor in Nutrition Science Kelly Kane Professor in Nutrition Science Lynne M. 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